Why Planes Don’t Arrive Early
Travel and complex projects can have limited scope to finish early but much more scope for long delays. Taleb argues that this asymmetry helps explain overruns alongside optimistic planning. A nonnegative duration alone does not establish how often an activity will finish late.
THE IDEA
Why Planes Don’t Arrive Early
Let us start as usual with a transportation problem, and generalize to other areas. Travelers (typically) do not like uncertainty—especially when they are on a set schedule. Why? There is a one-way effect.
I’ve taken the very same London–New York flight most of my life. The flight takes about seven hours, the equivalent of a short book plus a brief polite chat with a neighbor and a meal with port wine, stilton cheese, and crackers. I recall a few instances in which I arrived early, about twenty minutes, no more. But there have been instances in which I got there more than two or three hours late, and in at least one instance it has taken me more than two days to reach my destination.
Because travel time cannot be really negative, uncertainty tends to cause delays, making arrival time increase, almost never decrease. Or it makes arrival time decrease by just minutes, but increase by hours, an obvious asymmetry. Anything unexpected, any shock, any volatility, is much more likely to extend the total flying time.
This also explains the irreversibility of time, in a way, if you consider the passage of time as an increase in disorder.
Let us now apply this concept to projects. Just as when you add uncertainty to a flight, the planes tend to land later, not earlier (and these laws of physics are so universal that they even work in Russia), when you add uncertainty to projects, they tend to cost more and take longer to complete. This applies to many, in fact almost all, projects.
The interpretation I had in the past was that a psychological bias, the underestimation of the random structure of the world, was the cause behind such underestimation—projects take longer than planned because the estimates are too optimistic. We have evidence of such bias, called overconfidence. Decision scientists and business psychologists have theorized something called the “planning fallacy,” in which they try to explain the fact that projects take longer, rarely less time, using psychological factors.
But the puzzle was that such underestimation did not seem to exist in the past century or so, though we were dealing with the very same humans, endowed with the same biases. Many large-scale projects a century and a half ago were completed on time; many of the tall buildings and monuments we see today are not just more elegant than modernistic structures but were completed within, and often ahead of, schedule. These include not just the Empire State Building (still standing in New York), but the London Crystal Palace, erected for the Great Exhibition of 1851, the hallmark of the Victorian reign, based on the inventive ideas of a gardener. The Palace, which housed the exhibition, went from concept to grand opening in just nine months. The building took the form of a massive glass house, 1,848 feet long by 454 feet wide; it was constructed from cast iron frame components and glass made almost exclusively in Birmingham and Smethwick.
The obvious is usually missed here: the Crystal Palace project did not use computers, and the parts were built not far from the source, with a small number of businesses involved in the supply chain. Further, there were no business schools at the time to teach something called “project management” and increase overconfidence. There were no consulting firms. The agency problem (which we defined as the divergence between the interest of the agent and that of his client) was not significant. In other words, it was a much more linear economy—less complex—than today. And we have more nonlinearities—asymmetries, convexities—in today’s world.
Black Swan effects are necessarily increasing, as a result of complexity, interdependence between parts, globalization, and the beastly thing called “efficiency” that makes people now sail too close to the wind. Add to that consultants and business schools. One problem somewhere can halt the entire project—so the projects tend to get as weak as the weakest link in their chain (an acute negative convexity effect). The world is getting less and less predictable, and we rely more and more on technologies that have errors and interactions that are harder to estimate, let alone predict.
And the information economy is the culprit. Bent Flyvbjerg, whose work examines bridge and road projects, also studied another source of overruns. The problem of cost overruns and delays is much more acute in the presence of information technologies (IT), as computer projects cause a large share of these cost overruns, and it is better to focus on these principally. But even outside of these IT-heavy projects, we tend to have very severe delays.
But the logic is simple: again, negative convexity effects are the main culprit, a direct and visible cause. There is an asymmetry in the way errors hit you—the same as with travel.
No psychologist who has discussed the “planning fallacy” has realized that, at the core, it is not essentially a psychological problem, not an issue with human errors; it is inherent to the nonlinear structure of the projects. Just as time cannot be negative, a three-month project cannot be completed in zero or negative time. So, on a timeline going left to right, errors add to the right end, not the left end of it. If uncertainty were linear we would observe some projects completed extremely early (just as we would arrive sometimes very early, sometimes very late). But this is not the case.
When to use it
Estimating project timelines: examine the size of possible delays and allow a buffer suited to that exposure.
Travel planning: allow time for disruptions when a late arrival would have substantial consequences.
Risk management in complex systems: Identify weak links and reduce interdependence to limit the ‘negative convexity’ that amplifies delays.
Comparing project performance across periods while accounting for complexity, supply chains, scheduling practices and which projects enter the comparison.
FROM THEORY TO EVERYDAY LIFE
In practice
London–New York Flight Delays
Taleb recalls a seven-hour flight that sometimes arrived about 20 minutes early but could arrive hours or days late. He uses this experience to illustrate a distribution with limited time savings and a much longer delay tail.
The Crystal Palace
Taleb cites the Crystal Palace, opened in 1851 after nine months from concept to completion, as an example of rapid construction. He attributes its performance to standardized components and a relatively simple supply chain, in contrast with complex modern projects.
Modern IT Projects
Citing Bent Flyvbjerg, the text notes that cost overruns and delays are especially severe in information‑technology projects due to increased nonlinearities and interdependence.
A MOMENT TO REFLECT
Put it to work.
Think of a project that finished early or late. Which events could have shortened it, which could have delayed it, and how large could each effect have been?
Which dependencies in your work could turn a small disruption into a long delay? How could you reduce that exposure?
The text argues the planning fallacy is not just psychological but structural. Do you agree? Can you think of a situation where psychological factors alone would cause a different result?
Often confused with
References
- Megaprojects and Risk: An Anatomy of Ambition — Bent Flyvbjerg (2003)
CONTINUE THE CONVERSATION
Source texts
- Antifragile (Nassim Nicholas Taleb)