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Cognitive Biases

Subadditivity in Probability Judgment: Implicit and Explicit Subadditivity

Implicit subadditivity is induced by unpacking and enhanced availability; explicit subadditivity results from repacking or anchoring in probability and frequency judgments. Support theory is proposed as a way to accommodate both forms, in contrast to Bayesian models and belief functions.

THE IDEA

SUMMARY AND DISCUSSION

The present extension of support theory distinguishes between implicit subadditivity, induced by unpacking, and explicit subadditivity, resulting from the difference between the assessment of an explicit disjunction and separate assessments of its disjoint components. We propose that implicit subadditivity is caused by enhanced availability, whereas explicit subadditivity is produced, in part at least, by repacking or anchoring. Consequently, different partitions are likely to give rise to different patterns of subadditivity. Study 1 establishes strict implicit and explicit subadditivity in judgments of unconditional probability. Study 2 shows that a causal partition produced more implicit subadditivity, whereas a temporal partition produced more explicit subadditivity, in judgments of conditional probability. Study 3 demonstrates greater explicit subadditivity for similar than for dissimilar components in judgments of frequency. Study 4 suggests that people follow an anchoring and adjustment heuristic that focuses on the larger, or the more familiar, component and increases the assessment of that component slightly to accommodate the larger extension.

The use of an anchoring and adjustment heuristic in this context is somewhat surprising because it seems easy to estimate the components separately and then add the estimates. Evidently, people are reluctant to add uncertain quantities. If they do not know the population of Spain and also do not know the population of Portugal, they are reluctant to estimate each of these numbers separately and add their guesses. Instead, they apparently form an overall impression of the combined population of the two countries that is determined primarily by the larger of the two. Taken together, the present results imply that an adequate model of probability or frequency judgment should be able to accommodate both implicit and explicit subadditivity. The current version of support theory provides such a model.

We conclude with a discussion of the relation between support theory and Shafer’s (1976) theory of belief functions. Although the theory of belief functions is based on logical rather than psychological considerations, it has been interpreted by several authors as a descriptive model of belief. In this theory, as in many other models, the belief in the disjunction of disjoint events is greater than or equal to the sum of the beliefs in each of the components. Thus, support theory and the theory of belief functions depart from the Bayesian model in opposite directions: Support theory predicts subadditivity, whereas the theory of belief functions assumes superadditivity. Using the notation of Table 26.1, probability theory requires α = β = γ + δ, Shafer’s theory assumes α = β ≥ γ + δ, and support theory implies α ≤ β ≤ γ + δ.

The experimental literature provides strong evidence that judged probability of both lay people and experts is subadditive rather than superadditive (see, e.g., Tversky & Koehler, 1994; Fox & Tversky, 1998). For example, options traders who evaluated a set of four mutually exclusive and exhaustive hypotheses regarding the closing price of Microsoft stock did not hold any belief in reserve, as required by the theory of belief functions. On the contrary, the sum of the probabilities assigned to these hypotheses was substantially greater than 1, and options traders were actually willing to bet on these values (Fox, Rogers, & Tversky, 1996). Although we do not wish to claim that superadditivity cannot arise in certain circumstances, the experimental evidence suggests that such instances represent the exception rather than the rule.

What then is the psychological basis for the superadditivity assumption that underlies post-Bayesian models of degree of belief? The answer to this question goes back to Keynes’ (1921) distinction between the balance of evidence in favor of a given proposition and the weight (or strength) of evidence for this proposition. Keynes argued that the standard notion of probability can represent the balance of evidence but not the weight of evidence because a probability of one half, for example, may result either from strong evidence for and strong evidence against the proposition in question or from weak evidence for and weak evidence against that proposition. Following Keynes, we suggest that superadditivity often holds for judgments of evidence strength; that is, of the degree to which a designated body of evidence supports a particular hypothesis (see Briggs & Krantz, 1992), but it does not hold for probability judgments that reflect the global balance of evidence.

The contrast between these notions is most pronounced in situations where there is good evidence for some general hypothesis but there is no specific evidence for any of its components. Suppose, for example, that there is very strong evidence that a particular person was murdered, but there is no evidence regarding the identity of the killer. Let H, H**a, and H**s denote homicide, homicide by an acquaintance, and homicide by a stranger, respectively. If people can make sensible assessments of the degree to which the evidence confirms each of these hypotheses (e.g., on a scale from 0 to 1), we expect these assessments to be close to 1 for H, and close to 0 for H**a and for H**s in accord with Shafer’s (1976) model. However, the judged probabilities of H**a and H**s are expected to be substantially greater than 0, and their sum may even exceed the judged probability of H. Judgments of strength of evidence, we suggest, reflect the degree to which a specific body of evidence confirms a particular hypothesis, whereas judgments of probability express the relative support for the competing hypotheses based on the judge’s general knowledge and prior belief. The two types of judgments, therefore, are expected to follow different rules. Indeed, Krantz (1991) has argued that Shafer’s model is more suitable for judgments of evidence strength than for judgments of probability.

Because there is very little data on judgments of evidence strength, we can only speculate about the rules they follow. It appears that in the absence of specific evidence, as in the homicide example earlier, such judgments are likely to be superadditive. However, judgments of evidence strength are unlikely to be superadditive in general. To illustrate, consider a body of evidence, for example, a fragment of Linda’s diary expressing moral objection to sexist language. Such evidence, we suggest, can provide stronger support for the hypothesis that Linda is a feminist bank teller than for the more inclusive hypothesis that Linda is a bank teller. This pattern, of course, is not only subadditive; it is actually nonmonotonic. Similarly, a postcard with an Alpine scene appears to provide stronger evidence for the hypothesis that it came from Switzerland than for the hypothesis that it came from Europe (see e.g., Bar-Hillel & Neter, 1993). In these cases, the evidence matches the narrower hypothesis better than it matches the broader hypothesis; hence an assessment based on matching (or representativeness) can give rise to nonmonotonicity in judgment of evidence strength, as well as in judgment of probability (Tversky & Kahneman, 1983).

To summarize, the experimental evidence described here and elsewhere indicates that probability judgments, which are based on the balance of evidence, are generally subadditive. The preceding discussion, however, suggests that judgments of the strength of a designated body of evidence may exhibit a different pattern. Such judgments are likely to be superadditive when there is little evidence for each of the component hypotheses, and they are likely to be subadditive (or even nonmonotonic) when the evidence strongly favors one of the components. Whether or not these conjectures are valid, we suggest that the discussion of alternative representations of belief can be illuminated by the distinction between probability judgments based on the balance of evidence and judgments of the strength of a specific body of evidence.

When to use it

  • Legal judgments: Juries may assign probabilities to multiple possible causes of an event, leading to subadditivity that inflates the total perceived likelihood.

  • Financial forecasting: Overconfidence in distinct market scenarios can cause options traders to assign probabilities summing above 1, affecting portfolio risk assessment.

  • Medical diagnosis: Physicians might overestimate the likelihood of a specific disease when considering it in isolation, compared to when considering the full differential diagnosis.

  • Project management: Splitting a project into smaller tasks can lead to overestimation of the total time due to explicit subadditivity from anchoring on the largest task.

FROM THEORY TO EVERYDAY LIFE

In practice

01

Population of Spain and Portugal

When asked to estimate the combined population of Spain and Portugal, people tend to anchor on the larger country (Spain) and adjust only slightly, leading to an underestimation of the sum (explicit subadditivity).

02

Homicide by acquaintance vs. stranger

Given strong evidence of a homicide but no evidence about the killer, judgments of evidence strength for 'homicide by acquaintance' and 'homicide by stranger' may be near zero individually, while the judgment for 'homicide' as a whole is high, showing superadditivity. In contrast, probability judgments of the components sum to more than the probability of the general hypothesis, showing subadditivity.

03

Linda the feminist bank teller

Linda's diary excerpt expressing moral objection to sexist language provides stronger support for the hypothesis that she is a feminist bank teller than for the broader hypothesis that she is a bank teller, illustrating nonmonotonicity in evidence strength judgments.

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A MOMENT TO REFLECT

Put it to work.

  1. Can you think of a real-world situation where you intuitively judged the probability of a combined event as lower than the sum of its parts? What might have caused that subadditivity?

  2. How does the distinction between implicit and explicit subadditivity affect the design of surveys or experiments involving probability estimates?

  3. In what scenarios might judgments of evidence strength be superadditive rather than subadditive, and why does that matter for decision-making?

Connected ideas

Another lens can bring the same problem into focus.

Often confused with

References

  1. Support theory: A nonextensional representation of uncertainty — Tversky, A., & Koehler, D. J. (1994)
  2. A belief-based account of decision under uncertainty — Fox, C. R., & Tversky, A. (1998)
  3. Weight of evidence and the probability of hypothesis — Fox, C. R., Rogers, B. A., & Tversky, A. (1996)
  4. A mathematical theory of evidence — Shafer, G. (1976)
  5. A treatise on probability — Keynes, J. M. (1921)
  6. The role of evidence in judgments of probability — Briggs, K., & Krantz, D. H. (1992)
  7. A theory of belief functions and evidence — Krantz, D. H. (1991)
  8. Representativeness and the conjunction fallacy — Tversky, A., & Kahneman, D. (1983)
  9. Context effects in probability judgments — Bar-Hillel, M., & Neter, E. (1993)

CONTINUE THE CONVERSATION

Source texts

  • Heuristics and Biases The Psychology of Intuitive Judgment (Thomas Gilovich, Dale Griffin, Daniel Kahneman)
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