Dual Process Theories and the Fundamental Computational Bias
The fundamental computational bias is the tendency to interpret a problem through its social and conversational context. In this account, System 1 supplies that automatic interpretation, while System 2 can apply abstract rules. The authors propose that analytic ability helps explain whether System 2 overrides System 1, especially when the processes favor different answers.
THE IDEA
DUAL PROCESS THEORIES AND THE FUNDAMENTAL COMPUTATIONAL BIAS
Why do people with different levels of measured analytic ability sometimes favor different interpretations of reasoning tasks? One possible explanation comes from two-process theories of reasoning (Epstein, 1994; Evans, 1984, 1996; Evans & Over, 1996; Sloman, 1996). Although there are several two-process theories of reasoning that differ somewhat in their details, all agree on the general features of the two systems which, for simplicity, we label System 1 and System 2 (see Sloman, Chapter 22, this volume; Stanovich, 1999). System 1 is characterized as automatic, heuristic-based, and relatively undemanding of computational capacity. System 2 conjoins the various characteristics associated with controlled processing. System 2 encompasses the processes of analytic intelligence that have traditionally been studied by information processing theorists trying to uncover the computational components underlying intelligence.
For the purposes of the present discussion, the most important difference between the two systems is that they tend to lead to different types of task construals. Construals triggered by System 1 are highly contextualized, personalized, and socialized. They are driven by considerations of relevance and are aimed at inferring intentionality by the use of conversational implicature even in situations that are devoid of conversational features (see Margolis, 1987). The primacy of these mechanisms leads to what has been termed the fundamental computational bias in human cognition (Stanovich, 1999) – the tendency toward automatic contextualization of problems. In contrast, System 2’s more controlled processes serve to decontextualize and depersonalize problems. This system is more adept at representing in terms of rules and underlying principles. It can deal with problems without social content and is not dominated by the goal of attributing intentionality nor by the search for conversational relevance.
In summary, the biases introduced by System 1 heuristic processing may well be universal – because the computational biases inherent in this system are ubiquitous and shared by everyone. However, it does not necessarily follow that errors on tasks from the heuristics and biases literature will be universal (indeed, we have known for some time that they are not). This is because, for some individuals, System 2 processes operating in parallel will have the requisite computational power (or a low enough threshold) to override the response primed by System 1.
Using the distinction between System 1 and System 2 processing, we conjecture that in order to observe large cognitive ability differences in a problem situation, the two systems must lead to different responses. One reason for this prediction is that we assume that individual differences in System 1 processes (interactional intelligence) bear little relation to individual differences in System 2 processes (analytic intelligence). This is a conjecture for which there is a modest amount of evidence (see McGeorge, Crawford, & Kelly, 1997; Reber, 1993).
If the nature of the problem is such that the two systems generate opposite responses, rule-based System 2 – used disproportionally by those of high analytic intelligence – will not be diluted by System 1 nondifferentially drawing other subjects, lower in analytic intelligence, to the same response. Selection tasks can concern whether a factual rule is true (nondeontic tasks) or whether a rule about permission or obligation has been obeyed (deontic tasks). For example, in nondeontic selection tasks the two systems lead to different responses. A deductive interpretation conjoined with an exhaustive search for falsifying instances yields the response P & not Q. This interpretation and processing style is likely associated with the rule-based System 2 – individual differences in which underlie the psychometric concept of analytic intelligence. In contrast, within the heuristic – analytic framework of Evans (1984, 1989, 1996), the matching response of P&Q reflects the heuristic processing of System 1 (in Evans’ theory, a linguistically cued relevance response). In deontic tasks, both System 2 and System 1 processes (the latter in the form of preconscious relevance judgments, pragmatic schemas, or Darwinian algorithms; see Cheng & Holyoak, 1989; Cosmides, 1989; Cummins, 1996; Evans, 1996) operate to draw people to the correct response, thus diluting cognitive ability differences between correct and incorrect responders (see Stanovich & West, 1998a, for a data simulation).
The experimental results reviewed here (see Stanovich, 1999, for further examples) reveal that the response dictated by the construal of the inventors of the Linda Problem (Tversky & Kahneman, 1983), Disease Problem (Tversky & Kahneman, 1981), and selection task (Wason, 1966) is the response favored by subjects of high analytic intelligence. The alternative responses dictated by the construals favored by the critics of the heuristics and biases literature were the choices of the subjects of lower analytic intelligence. These latter alternative construals may have been triggered by heuristics that make evolutionary sense (Cosmides & Tooby, 1994, 1996), but individuals higher in a more flexible type of analytic intelligence (and those more cognitively engaged, see Smith & Levin, 1996) are more prone to follow normative rules that maximize personal utility for the so-called vehicle, which houses the genes. Cognitive mechanisms that were fitness enhancing might well thwart our goals as personal agents in an industrial society (see Baron, 1998) because the assumption that our cognitive mechanisms are adapted in the evolutionary sense (Pinker, 1997) does not entail normative rationality. Thus, situations where evolutionary and normative rationality dissociate might well put the two processing Systems in conflict. These conflicts may be rare, but the few occasions on which they occur might be important ones. This is because knowledge-based, technological societies often put a premium on abstraction and decontextualization, and they sometimes require that the fundamental computational bias of human cognition be overridden by System 2 processes.
When to use it
In financial decision-making, being aware of the fundamental computational bias can help avoid framing effects and overly contextualized assessments of risk.
In legal reasoning, separating relevant evidence and governing rules from emotional or conversational cues that do not bear on the question.
In scientific thinking, overriding intuitive heuristics to follow probabilistic rules when interpreting experimental results.
In policy evaluation, considering base rates and statistical evidence rather than vivid anecdotes, especially in public health decisions.
FROM THEORY TO EVERYDAY LIFE
In practice
Linda Problem
In the Linda problem, participants are told that Linda is 31 years old, single, outspoken, and very bright. She majored in philosophy. As a student, she was deeply concerned with issues of discrimination and social justice, and also participated in anti-nuclear demonstrations. Participants then rank the probability of various statements, including 'Linda is a bank teller' and 'Linda is a bank teller and active in the feminist movement.' Many people rate the conjunction as more probable, committing the conjunction fallacy. This reflects System 1 heuristic processing (representativeness) overriding the normative rule that a conjunction cannot be more probable than its constituents. High analytic intelligence individuals are more likely to override this bias.
Disease Problem (Framing Effect)
In the Asian disease problem, participants choose between two programs to combat a disease expected to kill 600 people. Program A saves 200 people for sure; Program B has a 1/3 probability of saving 600 people and 2/3 probability of saving none. In a gain frame, most choose A (risk-averse). When the same outcomes are framed in terms of losses (400 people die for sure vs. 1/3 probability nobody dies, 2/3 probability 600 die), most choose the risky option. This framing effect illustrates System 1's sensitivity to contextualization, while System 2 can recognize the equivalence of the problems.
Selection Task (Wason Task)
In the classic Wason selection task, participants see four cards showing A, K, 4, 7, and a rule: 'If a card has a vowel on one side, then it has an even number on the other side.' Participants must select which cards to turn over to test the rule. Most choose A and 4 (matching response), which reflects System 1 heuristic processing. The logically correct response is to choose A and 7 (to falsify), which this account associates with System 2 analytic reasoning. High analytic intelligence individuals are more likely to choose the correct cards.
A MOMENT TO REFLECT
Put it to work.
How might System 1 automatic contextualization affect your everyday decisions? Can you recall a recent situation where your initial intuition might have been biased?
In what situations is it important to override the fundamental computational bias? For example, when evaluating statistical data or making significant financial choices.
Can you think of a time when your System 2 reasoning successfully corrected a biased intuition? What triggered the shift to more analytical thinking?
Often confused with
References
- Unknown — Epstein (1994)
CONTINUE THE CONVERSATION
Source texts
- Heuristics and Biases The Psychology of Intuitive Judgment (Thomas Gilovich, Dale Griffin, Daniel Kahneman)