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Mental Models

Clusters

Taleb argues that people can adopt shared categories and bundles of opinions without examining their boundaries or connections. His examples from journalism and politics show how these frameworks can hide uncertainty and change over time.

THE IDEA

Clusters

I noticed during the Lebanese war that journalists tended to cluster not necessarily around the same opinions but frequently around the same framework of analyses. They assign the same importance to the same sets of circumstances and cut reality into the same categories—once again the manifestation of Platonicity, the desire to cut reality into crisp shapes. What Robert Fisk calls “hotel journalism” further increased the mental contagion. While Lebanon in earlier journalism was part of the Levant, i.e., the eastern Mediterranean, it now suddenly became part of the Middle East, as if someone had managed to transport it closer to the sands of Saudi Arabia. The island of Cyprus, around sixty miles from my village in northern Lebanon, and with almost identical food, churches, and habits, suddenly became part of Europe (of course the natives on both sides became subsequently conditioned). While in the past a distinction had been drawn between Mediterranean and non-Mediterranean (i.e., between the olive oil and the butter), in the 1970s the distinction suddenly became that between Europe and non-Europe. Islam being the wedge between the two, one does not know where to place the indigenous Arabic-speaking Christians (or Jews) in that story. Categorizing is necessary for humans, but it becomes pathological when the category is seen as definitive, preventing people from considering the fuzziness of boundaries, let alone revising their categories. Contagion was the culprit. If you selected one hundred independent-minded journalists capable of seeing factors in isolation from one another, you would get one hundred different opinions. But the process of having these people report in lockstep caused the dimensionality of the opinion set to shrink considerably—they converged on opinions and used the same items as causes. For instance, to depart from Lebanon for a moment, all reporters now refer to the “roaring eighties,” assuming that there was something particularly distinct about that exact decade. And during the Internet bubble of the late 1990s, journalists agreed on crazy indicators as explanatory of the quality of worthless companies that everyone wanted very badly.

If you want to see what I mean by the arbitrariness of categories, check the situation of polarized politics. The next time a Martian visits earth, try to explain to him why those who favor allowing the elimination of a fetus in the mother’s womb also oppose capital punishment. Or try to explain to him why those who accept abortion are supposed to be favorable to high taxation but against a strong military. Why do those who prefer sexual freedom need to be against individual economic liberty?

I noticed the absurdity of clustering when I was quite young. By some farcical turn of events, in that civil war of Lebanon, Christians became pro-free market and the capitalistic system—i.e., what a journalist would call “the Right”—and the Islamists became socialists, getting support from Communist regimes (Pravda, the organ of the Communist regime, called them “oppression fighters,” though subsequently when the Russians invaded Afghanistan, it was the Americans who sought association with bin Laden and his Moslem peers).

The best way to prove the arbitrary character of these categories, and the contagion effect they produce, is to remember how frequently these clusters reverse in history. The alliance, at the time of this account, between Christian fundamentalists and the Israeli lobby would certainly seem puzzling to a nineteenth-century intellectual—Christians used to be anti-Semites and Moslems were the protectors of the Jews, whom they preferred to Christians. Libertarians used to be left-wing. What is interesting to me as a probabilist is that some random event makes one group that initially supports an issue ally itself with another group that supports another issue, thus causing the two items to fuse and unify … until the surprise of the separation.

Categorizing always produces reduction in true complexity. It is a manifestation of the Black Swan generator, that unshakable Platonicity: treating our crisp categories as if they captured reality. Any reduction of the world around us can have explosive consequences since it rules out some sources of uncertainty; it drives us to a misunderstanding of the fabric of the world. For instance, you may think that radical Islam (and its values) are your allies against the threat of Communism, and so you may help them develop, until they send two planes into downtown Manhattan.

It was a few years after the beginning of the Lebanese war, as I was attending the Wharton School, at the age of twenty-two, that I was hit with the idea of efficient markets—an idea that holds that consistently outperforming the market is difficult when securities prices already incorporate the available information. Public information can therefore be useless, particularly to a businessman, since prices can already “include” all such information, and news shared with millions gives you no real advantage. Odds are that one or more of the hundreds of millions of other readers of such information will already have bought the security, thus pushing up the price. I then completely gave up reading newspapers and watching television, which freed up a considerable amount of time (say one hour or more a day, enough time to read more than a hundred additional books per year, which, after a couple of decades, starts mounting). But this argument was not quite the entire reason for my dictum to avoid the newspapers; I also wanted to escape the toxicity of information. It was initially a great excuse to avoid keeping up with the minutiae of business, a perfect alibi since I found nothing interesting about the details of the business world—inelegant, dull, pompous, greedy, unintellectual, selfish, and boring.

When to use it

  • Media analysis: Recognizing how news outlets cluster events into simplified narratives that may misrepresent complexity.

  • Political strategy: Understanding that issue alignments are often arbitrary and can be exploited or reshaped.

  • Personal decision-making: Checking whether a category captures the distinctions that matter to a particular business or investment decision.

  • Investment: Identifying market narratives that cluster around popular indicators during bubbles, leading to false consensus and risk.

FROM THEORY TO EVERYDAY LIFE

In practice

01

Lebanese war journalism

Taleb describes journalists covering the Lebanese war converging on shared analytical frameworks. He contrasts labels such as Levant, Middle East, and Europe with the cultural similarities he saw between northern Lebanon and Cyprus.

02

Polarized politics and arbitrary alignment

Taleb questions why positions on abortion, capital punishment, taxation, and military spending come bundled together. His historical comparisons illustrate his argument that political alliances can change; the positions in a bundle need not logically entail one another.

✳

A MOMENT TO REFLECT

Put it to work.

  1. Think of a current political or social issue. How are categories being used to simplify it? What fuzziness or nuance is being ignored?

  2. Recall a time when you changed your stance on one issue. Did you find yourself shifting on related issues due to clustering? How might that have constrained your thinking?

  3. How does clustering in journalism or media influence public perception of events? Can you identify a recent news cycle where this effect was at play?

Connected ideas

Another lens can bring the same problem into focus.

Often confused with

CONTINUE THE CONVERSATION

Source texts

  • The Black Swan The Impact of the Highly Improbable With a new section On Robustness and Fragility (Nassim Nicholas Taleb)
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