Adjustment and Anchoring
Adjustment and anchoring is a cognitive bias where people rely too heavily on an initial piece of information (the anchor) when making estimates, and adjustments from that anchor are typically insufficient, leading to biased estimates.
THE IDEA
ADJUSTMENT AND ANCHORING
In many situations, people make estimates by starting from an initial value that is adjusted to yield the final answer. The initial value, or starting point, may be suggested by the formulation of the problem, or it may be the result of a partial computation. In either case, adjustments are typically insufficient. That is, different starting points yield different estimates, which are biased toward the initial values. We call this phenomenon anchoring.
Insufficient adjustment
In a demonstration of the anchoring effect, subjects were asked to estimate various quantities, stated in percentages (for example, the percentage of African countries in the United Nations). For each quantity, a number between 0 and 100 was determined by spinning a wheel of fortune in the subjects’ presence. The subjects were instructed to indicate first whether that number was higher or lower than the value of the quantity, and then to estimate the value of the quantity by moving upward or downward from the given number. Different groups were given different numbers for each quantity, and these arbitrary numbers had a marked effect on estimates. For example, the median estimates of the percentage of African countries in the United Nations were 25 and 45 for groups that received 10 and 65, respectively, as starting points. Payoffs for accuracy did not reduce the anchoring effect.
Anchoring occurs not only when the starting point is given to the subject, but also when the subject bases his estimate on the result of some incomplete computation. A study of intuitive numerical estimation illustrates this effect. Two groups of high school students estimated, within 5 seconds, a numerical expression that was written on the blackboard. One group estimated the product
8 × 7 × 6 × 5 × 4 × 3 × 2 × 1
while another group estimated the product
1 × 2 × 3 × 4 × 5 × 6 × 7 × 8
To rapidly answer such questions, people may perform a few steps of computation and estimate the product by extrapolation or adjustment. Because adjustments are typically insufficient, this procedure should lead to underestimation. Furthermore, because the result of the first few steps of multiplication (performed from left to right) is higher in the descending sequence than in the ascending sequence, the former expression should be judged larger than the latter. Both predictions were confirmed. The median estimate for the ascending sequence was 512, while the median estimate for the descending sequence was 2,250. The correct answer is 40,320.
Biases in the evaluation of conjunctive and disjunctive events
In a study by Bar-Hillel, subjects were given the opportunity to bet on one of two events. Three types of events were used: (i) simple events, such as drawing a red marble from a bag containing 50% red marbles and 50% white marbles; (ii) conjunctive events, such as drawing a red marble seven times in succession, with replacement, from a bag containing 90% red marbles and 10% white marbles; and (iii) disjunctive events, such as drawing a red marble at least once in seven successive tries, with replacement, from a bag containing 10% red marbles and 90% white marbles. In this problem, a significant majority of subjects preferred to bet on the conjunctive event (the probability of which is .48) rather than on the simple event (the probability of which is .50). Subjects also preferred to bet on the simple event rather than on the disjunctive event, which has a probability of .52. Thus, most subjects bet on the less likely event in both comparisons. This pattern of choices illustrates a general finding. Studies of choice among gambles and of judgments of probability indicate that people tend to overestimate the probability of conjunctive events and to underestimate the probability of disjunctive events. These biases are readily explained as effects of anchoring. The stated probability of the elementary event (success at any one stage) provides a natural starting point for the estimation of the probabilities of both conjunctive and disjunctive events. Since adjustment from the starting point is typically insufficient, the final estimates remain too close to the probabilities of the elementary events in both cases. Note that the overall probability of a conjunctive event is lower than the probability of each elementary event, whereas the overall probability of a disjunctive event is higher than the probability of each elementary event. As a consequence of anchoring, the overall probability will be overestimated in conjunctive problems and underestimated in disjunctive problems.
Biases in the evaluation of compound events are particularly significant in the context of planning. The successful completion of an undertaking, such as the development of a new product, typically has a conjunctive character: for the undertaking to succeed, each of a series of events must occur. Even when each of these events is very likely, the overall probability of success can be quite low if the number of events is large. The general tendency to overestimate the probability of conjunctive events leads to unwarranted optimism in the evaluation of the likelihood that a plan will succeed or that a project will be completed on time. Conversely, disjunctive structures are typically encountered in the evaluation of risks. A complex system, such as a nuclear reactor or a human body, will malfunction if any of its essential components fails. Even when the likelihood of failure in each component is slight, the probability of an overall failure can be high if many components are involved. Because of anchoring, people will tend to underestimate the probabilities of failure in complex systems. Thus, the direction of the anchoring bias can sometimes be inferred from the structure of the event. The chain-like structure of conjunctions leads to overestimation, the funnel-like structure of disjunctions leads to underestimation.
Anchoring in the assessment of subjective probability distributions
In decision analysis, experts are often required to express their beliefs about a quantity, such as the value of the Dow Jones average on a particular day, in the form of a probability distribution. Such a distribution is usually constructed by asking the person to select values of the quantity that correspond to specified percentiles of his subjective probability distribution. For example, the judge may be asked to select a number, X90, such that his subjective probability that this number will be higher than the value of the Dow Jones average is .90. That is, he should select the value X90 so that he is just willing to accept 9 to 1 odds that the Dow Jones average will not exceed it. A subjective probability distribution for the value of the Dow Jones average can be constructed from several such judgments corresponding to different percentiles.
By collecting subjective probability distributions for many different quantities, it is possible to test the judge for proper calibration. A judge is properly, or externally, calibrated across a set of problems when the proportion of true values below each stated percentile matches that percentile. For example, the true values should fall below X01 for 1% of the quantities and above X99 for 1% of the quantities. Thus, the true values should fall in the confidence interval between X01 and X99 on 98% of the problems.
Several investigators have obtained probability distributions for many quantities from a large number of judges. These distributions indicated large and systematic departures from proper calibration. In most studies, the actual values of the assessed quantities are either smaller than X01 or greater than X99 for about 30% of the problems. That is, the subjects state overly narrow confidence intervals which reflect more certainty than is justified by their knowledge about the assessed quantities. This bias is common to naive and to sophisticated subjects, and it is not eliminated by introducing proper scoring rules, which provide incentives for external calibration. This effect is attributable, in part at least, to anchoring.
To select X90 for the value of the Dow Jones average, for example, it is natural to begin by thinking about one’s best estimate of the Dow Jones and to adjust this value upward. If this adjustment—like most others—is insufficient, then X90 will not be sufficiently extreme. A similar anchoring effect will occur in the selection of X10, which is presumably obtained by adjusting one’s best estimate downward. Consequently, the confidence interval between X10 and X90 will be too narrow, and the assessed probability distribution will be too tight. In support of this interpretation it can be shown that subjective probabilities are systematically altered by a procedure in which one’s best estimate does not serve as an anchor.
Subjective probability distributions for a given quantity (the Dow Jones average) can be obtained in two different ways: (i) by asking the subject to select values of the Dow Jones that correspond to specified percentiles of his probability distribution and (ii) by asking the subject to assess the probabilities that the true value of the Dow Jones will exceed some specified values. The two procedures are formally equivalent and should yield identical distributions. However, they suggest different modes of adjustment from different anchors. In procedure (i), the natural starting point is one’s best estimate of the quantity. In procedure (ii), on the other hand, the subject may be anchored on the value stated in the question. Alternatively, he may be anchored on even odds, or a 50–50 chance, which is a natural starting point in the estimation of likelihood. In either case, procedure (ii) should yield less extreme odds than procedure (i).
To contrast the two procedures, a set of 24 quantities (such as the air distance from New Delhi to Peking) was presented to a group of subjects who assessed either X10 or X90 for each problem. Another group of subjects received the median judgment of the first group for each of the 24 quantities. They were asked to assess the odds that each of the given values exceeded the true value of the relevant quantity. In the absence of any bias, the second group should retrieve the odds specified to the first group, that is, 9:1. However, if even odds or the stated value serve as anchors, the odds of the second group should be less extreme, that is, closer to 1:1. Indeed, the median odds stated by this group, across all problems, were 3:1. When the judgments of the two groups were tested for external calibration, it was found that subjects in the first group were too extreme, in accord with earlier studies. The events that they defined as having a probability of .10 actually obtained in 24% of the cases. In contrast, subjects in the second group were too conservative. Events to which they assigned an average probability of .34 actually obtained in 26% of the cases. These results illustrate the manner in which the degree of calibration depends on the procedure of elicitation.
When to use it
Negotiation: The first offer often serves as a powerful anchor, shaping the range of acceptable outcomes.
Salary discussions: An initial salary suggestion can anchor the entire negotiation, regardless of its objective basis.
Forecasting: Initial projections or historical trends can anchor subsequent estimates, leading to under- or overestimation.
Risk assessment: In complex systems, anchoring on component failure probabilities can lead to underestimation of overall system risk.
FROM THEORY TO EVERYDAY LIFE
In practice
Wheel of fortune experiment
Subjects spun a wheel of fortune to get an arbitrary number between 0 and 100, then estimated the percentage of African countries in the UN. The median estimate was 25 for those who saw a starting point of 10, and 45 for those who saw 65, demonstrating how arbitrary anchors bias estimates.
Multiplication estimation
Two groups estimated the product of numbers 1-8 in different orders. The descending sequence (8×7×...×1) yielded a median estimate of 2,250, while the ascending sequence (1×2×...×8) yielded 512. The correct answer is 40,320, showing insufficient adjustment from initial computations.
Conjunctive and disjunctive gambling preferences
Subjects preferred a conjunctive event—drawing a red marble 7 times from a bag with 90% red marbles—to a more likely simple event. They also preferred a simple event to a more likely disjunctive event. The authors interpret this pattern as insufficient adjustment from the probability of a single draw.
Subjective confidence intervals
In the studies summarized here, participants’ 98% confidence intervals missed the true value about 30% of the time instead of 2%. The authors explain this overconfidence partly in terms of anchoring on a best guess and adjusting too little toward the extremes.
A MOMENT TO REFLECT
Put it to work.
Think of a recent decision where you started from an initial number or value. How might that anchor have influenced your final estimate or choice?
When planning a project, do you tend to be overly optimistic about timelines or costs? How could anchoring on an initial estimate explain that bias?
How might you deliberately use anchoring to your advantage in negotiations or persuasion, and how could you protect yourself from being unduly influenced by others' anchors?
CONTINUE THE CONVERSATION
Source texts
- Thinking, Fast and Slow (Daniel Kahneman)